Sarah Binder Legal

The firm appointed Danielle Gray, a former partner at O`Melveny & Myers and former Obama administration official, to its board last year. Gray currently serves as the General Counsel and Administrative Director of Blue Cross Blue Shield in North Carolina. The former general counsel of Pizza Hut left the company to lead the legal team of the San Francisco-based start-up Lime. Haswell left Lime to become general counsel of Blockchain.com, a London-based cryptocurrency data and technology company whose co-founder and CEO Peter Smith noted his hiring in an article on Medium last week. The pizza chain, a subsidiary of fast-food giant Yum Brands Inc., hired Binder as legal director for its UK and European unit in 2018 after working in-house at BT Group PLC for six years. Binder has held several legal, compliance and privacy roles for BT, a London-based telecommunications titan formerly known as British Telecom, where she worked for subsidiaries EE Ltd. and Plusnet PLC. SB: The act of bending or breaking norms is often referred to as “constitutional hard ball,” a term coined by lawyer Mark Tushnet. The term encompasses political practices that push the boundaries of the conventional understanding of fair play: “Playing for preservation in a special way.” Legal scholars David Pozen and Joseph Fishkin suggest that parties play hardball asymmetrically: for a number of reasons, they argue that Republicans are far more likely to circumvent norms than Democrats.

Jed Shugerman goes even further and promotes the distinction between hardball (hard gliding) and beanball (trying to hit the bat in the head). To the extent that we can distinguish between the two varieties, only the bean ball would be truly undemocratic. Haswell, who began his career at Gibson, Dunn & Crutcher, will now lead the legal, compliance and human resources teams at Blockchain.com, officially known as Blockchain Ltd. In a post on her LinkedIn profile nearly a year ago, Haswell said Gray would be Lime`s first independent director, bringing her “extensive experience in public and private sector legal, policy and regulatory affairs, including multiple roles in the White House and the Department of Justice.” Sarah is currently General Counsel for Pizza Hut in Europe and the UK. Sarah leads a team of corporate, consumer and franchise lawyers and legal advocates who manage all elements of Pizza Hut`s franchise business at 1,400 restaurants in 28 countries. Previously, Sarah spent 6 years at BT in a variety of roles including M&A Lawyer, Legal and Compliance Function at Plusnet and Head of Privacy Law and DPO for EE. Sarah has developed a particular passion and experience for turnaround and the implementation of legal and compliance functions. Sarah`s philosophy is that the law must be anchored at the heart of the business and must always take a pragmatic approach to all legal issues in order to find innovative and effective solutions for companies. Sarah trained and qualified with Clifford Chance in London and the Middle East. Sarah is also an advisor to Wandsworth Council and is the mother of two toddlers (which gives her excellent negotiation skills…) Haswell, whom Binder replaces, is a former chief regulatory officer at Uber who joined Lime in 2018 as general counsel. Last year, she was promoted to Chief Administrative and Legal Officer, a role in which Haswell oversaw the company`s legal, human resources, trust and security departments.

Arguably, the most important standard underlying the legislative process is the standard of tolerance: the expectation that actors will not make full use of all the powers technically available to them. Take, for example, former President Trump`s exploitation of the National Emergencies Act (NEA) in 2019. To free up federal funds to build a wall along the country`s southern border against congressional objections, Trump used the NEA to declare a border emergency, then diverted previously allocated funds from military construction projects to build the border wall. The president`s actions were close to the NEA, but also deviated several norms. Democrats and Republicans have questioned whether the border situation is really a national emergency; Democrats, in particular, rejected Trump`s latest race for congressional power over the stock market. In other words, the president nominally played by the rules of the game, but bent the norms that perpetuate and enforce the perceived fair dealing of legal rules: a law created to restrict presidents ironically strengthened Trump. The episode reminds us that the binding force of any set of formal or legal rules depends on the strength of the norms that frame them. Remarkably, when President Biden took office last January, he lifted the national emergency that Trump had likely fabricated to build the wall. As for yum, the quick-service grocery company appointed Lawrence Grafau, regional general counsel for its Kentucky Fried Chicken brand in Europe, as general counsel for Pizza Hut`s UK and European unit in April, following his promotion to director of development, as general counsel for Pizza Hut. Sarah Binder is a Senior Fellow in Governance Studies at the Brookings Institution and Professor of Political Science at George Washington University, where she specializes in legislative and congressional policy. Binder`s current research explores the historical and contemporary relationship between Congress and the Federal Reserve and she co-authored with Mark Spindel of The Myth of Independence: How Congress Governs the Federal Reserve (Princeton University Press, 2017).

She is also co-editor of The Washington Post`s Monkey Cage blog. Second, the hard ball often creates more hard ball. Once a party or coalition bears the cost of bending a standard, subsequent sets of hard balls are arguably cheaper for anyone who then bends or breaks them. The new aggressors simply blame the original norm-breakers, since they pulled the trigger first. The 2017 Republican decision to ban obstruction of Supreme Court nominees fits into this framework: McConnell and his GOP colleagues blamed Harry Reid and the Democrats simply for their 2013 decision to ban obstruction on other types of candidates. Sarah Binder is the youngest Kluge Professor of American Law and Governance, Professor of Political Science at George Washington University, and Senior Fellow in Governance Studies at the Brookings Institution. As an expert in congressional politics and legislative policy, her current research focuses on the historical and contemporary relationship between Congress and the Federal Reserve. His book “The Myth of Independence: How Congress Governs the Federal Reserve” was published by Princeton University Press in 2017.

She is co-editor of The Washington Post`s Monkey Cage blog and a member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. Regardless of their categorization, Hardball episodes have significant consequences. Haswell said in another LinkedIn post this month that she had made the journey of her life to Lime, but was ready to send her scooter to sunset, with Binder ready to “successfully lead Lime into the next chapter” of her life. Binder, a UK The lawyer, who began her career at Clifford Chance in London and Abu Dhabi, was appointed director of development for Pizza Hut`s UK and European operations earlier this year. However, the groundbreaking studies of Matthews, Fenno and others are exceptions that confirm the rule: scholars have studied the adoption and reform of legal rules rather than the origins and permanence of legal norms. First, institutional rules are easier to measure and monitor. In contrast, norms tend to be unwritten, although they can be just as important in setting and enforcing the boundaries of political actors. Second, it is extremely difficult for political scientists to separate the measurement of a norm from the behavior that composes it. Was there already a standard against obstruction? How should we know, other than by the absence of obstruction in a certain period of time? Has the standard that curbs obstruction weakened? Again, we often infer the weight of a standard by measuring its likely consequences. For more information from Sarah Binder, check out the recent Kluge Center event with her and other experts on the role of banks and the Federal Reserve in restarting the economy after the pandemic. To contact the journalist of this article: Brian Baxter in New York at bbaxter@bloomberglaw.com Professor Binder`s work focuses on the policy of legislative institutions, including their origins, development, and impact on policy outcomes.

She is also editor of The Washington Post`s Monkey Cage blog. Or consider then-Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell in 2016, who blocked Senate review of former President Obama`s Supreme Court nominee, U.S. Appeals Justice Merrick Garland. Nothing in the Constitution or the rules of the Senate requires the Senate to give notice or consent when the president submits a nomination, even for the highest court in the land. There was also no standard, as McConnell claimed, of “not filling a nomination in the middle of a presidential election year” (as evidenced by the speed with which Republicans confirmed Justice Amy Comey Barrett days before the 2020 presidential election). On the contrary, it was the norm to consider a president`s nominee, even when the opposing party controls the Senate. In this case, the desire to break norms – or create new ones – allowed the Republican majority to keep the seat vacant until after the presidential election. And then fill it out after you`ve banned obstructions of Supreme Court nominees.

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